Board Has The Agreement Of The French And German

A veritable “geopolitical miracle” after centuries of Franco-German rivalry and conflict, this historic agreement has created a new basis for relations between the two countries. It provided for regular consultations between France and West Germany on all important issues in the areas of foreign policy, defence, education and youth, with regular summits between heads of state and government, ministers and senior officials. The 2019 Treaty aims to strengthen bilateral cooperation and prepare both countries and the European Union (EU) for the challenges of the 21st century. Finally, it is equally important that more down-to-earth subjects poison the relationship and get in the way of these major themes. Thus, exports of armaments, especially materials developed and built together, remain a huge stumbling block in Franco-German affairs. The new Treaty certainly says that the two countries will develop a “common approach” to this – but they are not there yet. The Franco-German Defence and Security Council would be well advised to consider two options: a government agreement on export control criteria or a list of eligible client countries; or the creation of a common authority to decide on export applications. At the end of 1924, the German Foreign Minister, Gustav Stresemann, placed the highest priority in restoring German prestige and privileges as a leading European nation. The French withdrawal from the Ruhr occupation was planned for January 1925, but Stresemann felt that France was very nervous about its safety and could cancel the withdrawal. He realized that France was deeply keen on a British guarantee of its post-war borders, but that London was reluctant.

Stresemann adopted a plan that allowed all parties to get what they wanted through a series of guarantees defined in a number of contracts. British Foreign Secretary Austen Chamberlain enthusiastically agreed. France understood that its occupation of the ruhr had caused more financial and diplomatic damage than it was worth, and followed the plan. The conference of foreign ministers they convened in the Swiss seaside resort of Locarno and agreed on a plan. The first treaty was the most critical: a mutual guarantee of the borders of Belgium, France and Germany, guaranteed by Great Britain and Italy. The second and third contracts called for arbitration between Germany and Belgium, as well as Germany and France on future disputes. The fourth and fifth were similar arbitration agreements between Germany and Poland, as well as Germany and Czechoslovakia. Poland and Czechoslovakia, in particular, felt threatened by the Locarno agreements, and these treaties were attempts to reassure them. Thanks to the Dawes plan, Germany has carried out regular repairs.

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